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More about Jane Jacobs

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  • Systems of Survival: A Dialogue on the Moral Foundations of Commerce and Politics
    Systems of Survival: A Dialogue on the Moral Foundations of Commerce and Politics
  • The Death and Life of Great American Cities
    The Death and Life of Great American Cities
  • Dark Age Ahead
    Dark Age Ahead
  • Wrestling with Moses: How Jane Jacobs Took On New York's Master Builder and Transformed the American City
    Wrestling with Moses: How Jane Jacobs Took On New York's Master Builder and Transformed the American City
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    Year with Jane Jacobs

    There’s a new project afoot. Sorry about the lack of labor here since Labor Day - too much travel.

    Entries in Organized Complexity (6)

    Monday
    Jun292009

    Jane Jacobs spies spirals

    Accounts of breakdowns are tedious. Seen from a distance—historical, geographic, administrative, or emotional distance—they make succinct stories. But in close-up view, they consist of too many details, none sufficient in itself; the pieces make sense only when considered together. “Unwinding vicious spirals,” Dark Age Ahead (p152)

    Jacobs masterfully weaves the story, pulling the thread through the many facts—the only way to unwind such interlocked problems to begin to understand the mistakes and misfortunes that sparked and spurred them on.

    I’d already remarked on her storytelling skill concerning When Streetcars Ruled the Streets and pretty much any description of a system of organized complexity.

    In “Unwinding vicious spirals,” she begins with the Great Depression, leading us down the rest of the 20th century spiral into worse homelessness and unaffordable housing. That prolem is interlocked with many others, of course.

    I can’t do her summary narrative justice in a blog post. This is the one chapter, so far, that I will claim is a must read. It’s a must read.

    Then again, I’m biased, because she’s taking to task some of the unscientific thought of the zoners in my profession, as I did earlier this month.

    I’m one of those strange folk who enjoy working with (and reworking) zoning codes. Jacobs shies away from solutions that are pure abstraction, like densification or smart growth. It’s in the details. Zoning deals with some of these details, wrongly, based on three assumptions:

    High ground coverages are bad.

    High densities (numbers of people or numbers of households per acre) are bad.

    The mingling of commercial or other work uses with residences is bad.

    “Unwinding vicious spirals,” Dark Age Ahead (p153)

    Based on these assumptions, we wound up governing land use primarily. That’s the “primary key” to borrow from database organization terminology, around which we organize our zoning districts. I’ve mentioned movements to put form in that spot with form-based zoning. I’ve worked on form-based zoning for small portions of Grandview Heights and Grove City, here in Central Ohio. I’m well aware of some of the strengths and drawbacks to such a solution.

    Jacobs advocates organizing our code around performance with a strong form component - linked almost as a visual performance standard. I’m ready for that work when it comes. I’m ready to tell you all about it. I’m just not sure anyone’s ready to listen. Maybe soon…

    Projecting forward is a bit more dangerous than connecting the threads of the past, but Jacobs identifies how the pressures on single-family homeowners to get something out of their greatest asset—their homes—may mirror the path of many farm families selling out to suburban sprawl. What this looks like: turning fallow parts of homes and lots into revenue generators: renting rooms, new structures on their lots, businesses in former residences, etc. So, so little of this is allowable today.

    Tuesday
    Jun162009

    Like Water: Traffic "flow" betrays science

    Jane Jacobs continues her war of words on analogies, or, what I prefer to call guiding metaphors. I first mentioned her distaste for such methods in the introduction to The Death and Life of Great American Cities and that book’s chapter on “The kind of problem a city is.” Here, in “Science abandoned” in Dark Age Ahead, she uses the same analogy that I attacked - that traffic flows like water.

    Temporarily divorcing scientific inquiry from its tools, Jacobs establishes four steps of the scientific state of mind, absent the jargon used in the steps of the scientific method as you employed it on your fifth grade science fair project:

    1. The fruitful question
    2. Frame a hypothetical answer
    3. Test that answer (or observe real world tests of that question, as in social sciences)
    4. Ask more fruitful questions based on findings

    Technology-based “How?” questions can mess with the order a bit. The hypothesis can come after the testing and evidence. Jacobs identifies the “late-forming hypothesis” that can be a major surprise. Continual feedback, when given proper attention over the course of this inquiry, guides one to surprise, despite the entrant’s expectations.

    If I can add some insight to Jacobs’ outline, sometimes the technology comes before the question. Or, as some of my favorite tech pundits have put it: “A solution looking for a problem,” referring to the Amazon Kindle. The question then becomes, “How can we use this technology?” For snappy web applications, the question becomes, “How can we monetize this?” See twitter.

    *

    Science is abandoned because we are human. In the most formal/technical use of the word, it’s ramifications, that is, the branching out of all the consequent erring answers compounds the costs pseudoscientific answers.

    We’re human. Even the scientists are. Our identities are bound up in our worldview. For scientists, they’ve invested careers and staked their authority on the prevailing scientific paradigm. This can trip up any of the steps listed above - especially when it comes to observation and data analysis from step 3. If the inquiry falters there, no good feedback results from step 4. A given branch of science stagnates.

    Jacobs continues lashing out at the traffic engineers and highway builders of the 1950s. Death and Life was not enough. The myth of traffic flowing like water continues. Traffic models err.

    The unquestioned assumption: traffic remains constant. If a road is closed, traffic must find other routes, increasing congestion.

    Traffic planners create impenetrable models based on this error. Their “studies” perpetuate this fiction - not tested in reality.

    You can see the clash in views trickles down in the comments (1, 2) about the closing of major thoroughfares to automobile traffic, including Times Square.

    Traffic planning/engineering may be turning a corner. I’ve mentioned Tom Vanderbilt - chronicler of traffic planning and engineering, who has also sounded off about the Times Square closing. He also blogs. I also have great hopes for folks like Todd Litman of Victoria Transportation Policy Institute (VTPI) and Donald Shoup, author of The High Cost of Free Parking. The paradigm may be shifting.

    Tomorrow, I’ll go back and look at the paradigm of my own credentialed profession as another example of a profession that’s stuck in a bad paradigm.

    Friday
    May152009

    Organized Complexity - "Unaverage" Clues

    [Unaverage clues] are often the only announcers of the way various large quantities are behaving, or failing to behave, in combination with each other. “The kind of problem a city is,” The Death and Life of Great American Cities (p443)

    A few years ago, I was helping collect data for a citywide traffic count. Unlike many traffic counts, automating the count as cars travel over pneumatic tubes, this was a pedestrian and bike traffic count, requiring the coordination of manual counters at various points across the city. I was one of those counters at what turned out to be one of the most trafficked points.

    The resources required for such a comprehensive statistical study aren’t insignificant. So what do you do if you don’t have these resources and no one’s collected data for your area?

    This awareness of “unaverage” clues—or awareness of their lack—is, again, something any citizen can practice. “The kind of problem a city is,” The Death and Life of Great American Cities (p443)

    I had four clickers: two for pedestrians and two for bicyclists. I reset one pair every 15 minutes while continuing to take the count on the other. I did that for two hours. Over that time, two unaverage clues sat down on either side of the bench I’d found with a great view of the count. They were panhandlers.

    Statistically, these two men were inconsequential - two clicks out of hundreds. However, their presence is a clue to the behavior of many more people. They indicate that a large number of people walk by this location. A fraction give them money. They have every economic incentive to find a valuable location. As long as they’re quiet, not hassling anyone, and in the public right-of-way, no one can tell them to move.

    These unaverage clues, in professional-speak, are proxies - variables with close correlation to another variable.

    Thursday
    May142009

    Organized Complexity - Work Inductively

    This book is an attack on current city planning and rebuilding. “Introduction,” The Death and Life of Great American Cities (p3)

    Don’t be mistaken. This is a radical woman. Still.

    Jane Jacobs tears apart what, up to that point, were the foundations of the still relatively young field of city planning. She accomplished that in the introduction.

    She didn’t just take away the big ideas and theories of the day that shaped policymakers’ view of how cities and places work. She took away all big ideas.

    City processes in real life are too complex to be routine, too particularized for application as abstractions. They are always made up of interactions among unique combinations of particulars, and there is no substitute for knowing the particulars. “The kind of problem a city is” The Death and Life of Great American Cities (p441)

    This, is radical.

    Planning history (before and after Jacobs) is riddled with guiding metaphors, where the larger idea guides one’s ideas of how the city ought to work.

    Take streets, for example. Everyone has heard the insidious guiding metaphor here: traffic flow. Like water.

    Tom Vanderbilt has written a thoroughly endnoted, but quite readable account of Why We Drive the Way We Do (and What It Says About Us). It’s not about flow.

    To observe and understand a place, you don’t have to dive into the local library’s archives (though I just told you to understand the place’s story when inspecting processes). You don’t always need a long bibliography. The particulars you notice don’t require a footnote. They just are. Look at how they work together. It’s not up to a convenient theory or secondary sources describing what others say.

    Observe the primary source. Intuit. Radical, eh?

    Wednesday
    May132009

    Organized Complexity - Processes

    The processes that occur in cities are not arcane, capable of being understood only by experts. “The kind of problem a city is,” The Death and Life of Great American Cities (p441)

    If you google Jay Forrester of MIT, you might come across his connection to the computer game, SimCity. In 1969, he added Urban Dynamics to his canon on system dynamics. It’s all about modeling feedback loops, coefficients, and the like. I found an example in the creative commons concerning life insurance sales:

    It’s a bit much, eh?

    These are NOT the kind of processes to which Jacobs is referring. Forrester tacks on an 84 page appendix to 128 pages just to explain the model in further detail - truly arcane. The stuff for experts - in math, not cities.

    SimCity works well with Forrester’s model because it dumbs the city down: the system simplified. If you want to insult a city planner, reduce their job to that game. It’s like telling a guitarist that their job is as simple as playing Guitar Hero.

    Some of the parameters Forrester must hold constant in his model are fundamental parts of urban processes, such as technological innovation. Think of what changes in elevator technology did to building heights, the air conditioner, the car… Short of a crystal ball for anticipating future change, there’s no way to completely model a complex system like the city.

    While you might not be a guitar expert, given a few minutes, you could probably become expert in a single chord. The processes Jacobs wants us to look at are smaller than understanding the entire city. In the past week we’ve looked at the process of “slumming.” Inspecting the process of “unslumming” can’t wait much longer. I also took my first stab at explaining the diverse uses that require older buildings and the cheaper rents they might provide.

    Jacobs wants us to get in the habit of looking at these processes. Look at local history. Listen to other people. Look around! I don’t need to understand the entire city as a system to explain the process by which garages in my neighborhood are in higher disrepair than the houses, on average.

    If I look at a house in Victorian Village, just north of downtown Columbus, and another in my neighborhood, Clintonville, they may be subject to some of the same processes - but many may be specific, localized, differing. Each is embedded in its own set of processes - its own story.

    Tomorrow I’ll look at inductive reasoning as a way to ferret out such stories.